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Spencer Ackerman, thanks to some prompting from my friend Sean, has responded to my post about people drawing the wrong conclusions about Al-Qaeda’s abilities.

He writes:

Blowing up an airplane is not the same thing as simultaneously hijacking multiple aircraft and turning them into missiles. There’s literally an order of magnitude difference between the 300 people who would have died had the Christmas plot succeeded and the 3000 who died on 9/11. What I’m saying isn’t that 300 potential deaths are nothing. It’s that we should notice we’re not talking about a nuclear-armed al-Qaeda, or an al-Qaeda that can topple and conquer Pakistan or other scenarios that a few years ago were plausible (well, maybe the Pakistan one was never plausible). al-Qaeda isn’t beaten. And you’re never going to stop a lone-wolf self-starter who can just get a gun and shoot up a mall to exalt the greater glory of Usama bin Laden. But it’s significant that we’re not seeing al-Qaeda’s capabilities increase or even stagnate. We’re seeing them fail — even if they came too close for comfort — at attacks that start out with diminished ambitions compared to 9/11.

My original post made a very simple and narrowly-focused argument, namely that we should not read too much into a failed terror plot. To be clear, I actually believe that Al-Qaeda is indeed weaker today than it was before 9/11, but my reasons for believing this do not stem from the failed exploits of Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, but rather from my knowledge of the various security measures that have been implemented since then.

The fact that Abdulmutallab tried to blow up the plane in midair rather than hijacking it and flying it into a skyscraper does not necessarily mean that Al-Qaeda is weaker or less able to develop the assets to execute such an operation. What it probably means is that they’ve realized that hijacking airliners is no longer a viable strategy, given that cockpit doors are now solid steel, bulletproofed affairs that are locked before takeoff and guarded by a plainclothed air marshal nibbling on mushroom canapés in first class. In other words, there’s not much point in training suicide pilots.

Does this mean that Al-Qaeda’s (or whoever’s) options for creating physical destruction using airplanes is diminished? Of course it does. Are 300 deaths less tragic than 3000? Sure. But as long as we’re wearing our sinister actuary hats, let’s push the straight talk a little further and admit that a law of diminishing returns applies, as far as terrorist “casualties” are concerned. Had Abdulmutallab succeeded, there would have been 2700 fewer deaths than there were on 9/11, but I have to believe that the bombing would have had many of the same repercussions. Air travel would have plummeted, the stock market might have taken a tumble, additional billions would have been spent in the whack-a-mole affair that we’ve all become so familiar with.  So I think that congratulating ourselves on a dip in potential human casualties is a tad myopic.

To recap, then, yes Al-Qaeda is almost certainly weaker today than it was eight years ago, both in absolute and relative terms. But I don’t think that one can gauge its weaknesses on the basis of failed (as opposed to foiled) terror plots, particularly when they fail due to technical problems. (Would the Iranian Revolutionary Guard have been justified in believing that the U.S. military was weaker than ever because of the failure of Operation Eagle Claw?)

I think I’d better stop talking about this before someone confuses me with Pete Hoekstra.
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David Brooks had a good op-ed in The New York Times a couple of days ago (“The God that Fails“) in which he argued that the (largely Republican) outcry over the failure to catch the would-be Christmas bomber is symptomatic of a misguided belief in the idea that technology can prevent terrorism.

“After Sept. 11, we Americans indulged our faith in the god of technocracy. We expanded the country’s information-gathering capacities so that the National Security Agency alone now gathers four times more data each day than is contained in the Library of Congress.

We set up protocols to convert that information into a form that can be processed by computers and bureaucracies. We linked agencies and created new offices. We set up a centralized focal point, the National Counterterrorism Center.

All this money and technology seems to have reduced the risk of future attack. But, of course, the system is bound to fail sometimes. Reality is unpredictable, and no amount of computer technology is going to change that.”

I think that Brooks is right on the money: there’s no way to legislate omniscience, and the nature of this kind of warfare means that neutralizing every threat is impossible. Matthew Yglesias of the Center for American Progress makes this point succinctly on his blog:

“Out of the six billion people on the planet only a numerically insignificant fraction are actually dangerous terrorists. Even if you want to restrict your view to one billion Muslims, the math is the same. Consequently, tips, leads and the like are overwhelmingly going to be pointing to innocent people. You end up with a system that’s overwhelmed and paralyzed. If there were hundreds of thousands of al-Qaeda operatives trying to board planes every year, we’d catch lots of them. But we’re essentially looking for needles in haystacks.”

So far, so good. But in a series of posts over the past week, Yglesias and other commentators have pushed a different conclusion that strikes me as intellectually dishonest and a little hubristic. In a nutshell, the argument is that the failed attempt tells us something about al-Qaeda’s diminished capabilities to project terror beyond the remote enclaves in which it operates overseas.

Here’s Yglesias:

“Obviously, people shouldn’t be lighting anything on fire inside airplanes. That said, all the big Christmas airline incident really shows to me is how little punch our dread terrorist adversaries really pack. Once again, this seems like a pretty unserious plot. And even if you did manage to blow up an airplane in mid-air, that would be both a very serious crime and a great tragedy, but hardly a first-order national security threat.”

Here’s Spencer Ackerman:

“Abdulmutallab acted alone. There can be little doubt the operation was intended to go off on Christmas, for the obvious symbolism, so we would have seen evidence of a coordinated attack by now. The inescapable if preliminary conclusion: al-Qaeda can’t get enough dudes to join Abdulmutallab. And what does it give the guy to set off his big-boom? A device that’s “more incendiary than explosive,” in the words of some anonymous Department of Homeland Security official to the Times.”

Here’s Holman Jenkins in the Wall Street Journal:

“If 19 terrorists (the number who carried out the 9/11 attacks) each blew himself up at one- or two-week intervals in a shopping mall or a movie theater, America likely would become a seething nation of paranoid shut-ins. That it hasn’t happened tells you something: Al Qaeda doesn’t have a ready supply of competent suicide bombers, domestic or imported, to carry off serious attacks. That it continues to pour what little resources it can command into lame airliner attacks, like shoe bomber Richard Reid’s failed attempt to blow himself up in 2001 and Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab’s failed attempt on Christmas Day, tells you something else…”

I find this line of argumentation to be unconvincing, particularly when it is coupled with the constant reports we get in the press about how al-Qaeda franchises are operating healthily all over the Persian Gulf and East Africa.

Simply put, I don’t think one can draw conclusions about the strength of al-Qaeda or any other movements on the basis of this or that failed attempt. After all, had Abdulmutallab been successful, everybody would have been coming to the exact opposite conclusion: that al-Qaeda was still as strong as ever and that the Global War on Terror had not made a jot of difference in diminishing its abilities to execute spectacular acts of terrorism.

For eight years after the 1993 World Trade Center bombings, people would have been justified — according to this logic — in concluding that the terrorism threat was greatly diminished, and that America’s intelligence services had turned the corner on al-Qaeda. And then 9/11 happened.

All this is to say that I think that these very smart commentators have fallen into an inductive fallacy. There are many ways to explain the incident besides chalking it up to the miserable state of al-Qaeda. Maybe it was a dry run, meant to test airline security. Maybe he was a decoy for a larger operation elsewhere. (Indeed, there are reports today that the U.S. is closing its embassy in Yemen.)

Or maybe Yglesias and Ackerman and Jenkins are right, and al-Qaeda is drastically weaker than it was on September 11, 2001. But even if this is true, it still strikes me as oddly irrelevant. As everyone knows, all you need to create mass panic is some explosives, someone who is willing to blow himself up on an airliner, and a little bit of luck.  The only thing that the ordeal of Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab proved is that al-Qaeda still has two of those three things, and it’s probably just a matter of time before it gets lucky.

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